The political limitations of neoliberalism

“Neoliberalism is inimical to economic democracy and it hollows out political democracy. The neoliberal discourse and practice of TINA (There Is No Alternative) blocks the political expression of dissent and feeds apathy, populism and the far right. This is the outcome of a neoliberal political project including a modality of democracy that isolates the political from the socio-economic sphere, restricts democracy to the former, and limits democracy to voting in elections while, simultaneously, imposing a strongly illiberal agenda towards civil liberties and collective action. The crisis of this modality of democracy has become evident through increasing global instability and the proliferation of ‘pseudo-‘ or ‘illiberal’ democracies and ‘electoral authoritarian’ regimes, ‘failed states’, civil wars and ‘terrorism’, especially in the post-colonial world. The limitations of conventional democracy have also raised concerns in the ‘advanced’ West, where large numbers of people now reject ritualistic elections leading to power scarcely distinguishable political parties as a means of addressing their economic and political concerns. Despite their limitations, the ‘Arab Spring’ and the emerging popular movements in crisis-hit Western economies have reiterated their aspiration for a substantive form of democracy, encompassing the ‘economic’ domain that has been insulated by neoliberalism – that is, including substantive choices about the nature of social provision, the structure of employment, and the distribution of income.”

Alfredo Saad-Filho (2019), Value and Crisis, Ch.10, p.217

Keynes against capitalism

Crotty Keynes Against CapitalismJohn Maynard Keynes did not wish to merely save capitalism ‘from itself’ but to replace it with ‘Liberal Socialism’. That is the controversial claim made in a new book by the distinguished radical economist James Crotty, whose work ‘attempts to integrate the complementary analytical strengths of the Marxian and Keynesian traditions’.

The book, Keynes Against Capitalism, subtitled His Economic Case for Liberal Socialism, draws heavily on textual evidence found in the collected works of Keynes himself, from the 1920s through to the end of his life in 1946. This is both its strength and its weakness.

Without wishing to get into debate over semantics, one could find oneself agreeing with much of the argument ie that Keynes did in fact wish to replace capitalism with a radically different system called Liberal Socialism, but to say, in some ways, so what? The book is a fine scholarly read, but I found myself questioning whether Keynes’ (Crotty’s?) Liberal Socialism, for all its admirable socially transformative aims, would be both feasible and sustainable. Continue reading

Michael Pettis on Chinese growth, debt, consumption and rebalancing

In this short video, some insights from Michael Pettis on Chinese economic growth numbers, the nation’s debt and its sustainability, the extent (or not) of deleveraging, the low share of consumption in national income, the perennial need for a rebalancing of its economy, and how this can be done.

Keynes and the conceptual cul-de-sac of General Equilibrium

Economist John Maynard Keynes

“The reasons for which Keynes’s arguments fail to translate into the orthodox paradigm are not because they are vague, confused or poorly formulated. They fail to translate, instead, because they identify and address crucial flaws in the structure and logic of the dominant paradigm. As Keynes himself put it, what he hoped to do is ‘convince [us] that Walras’ theory, and all others along those lines are little better than nonsense’. He was able to see, like Kornai, that the Walrasian ideal is ultimately ‘a special branch of mathematics’, which employs ‘logical reasoning [but] from arbitrary assumptions’, making it more an ‘intellectual experiment’ than a theory in the mould of the sciences.

The real problem which far too many economists have had with understanding Keynes’s arguments exactly as he expressed them is an intransigent desire to believe that, as once said by Debreu in an interview, ‘the superiority of the liberal economy is incontestable and can be mathematically demonstrated’. The problem with this conviction is that the economy that Debreu had in mind has little connection with reality. It is time, if we want in the future to avoid the terrible waste, not just of the past ten years, but of the many other times that liberal economies have so clearly failed to provide for full employment, that we turn our attention to understanding more accurately not the economic society in which we might wish to live but the one in which we actually live. It is in this regard that Keynes, read without the desire to adhere to the conventional wisdom of the Walrasian General Equilibrium paradigm, provides a truly valuable starting point.”

Mark Pernecky and Paul Wojick